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A Work in Progress | Editing Room I first stumbled onto George F. Bristow the way you trip over a loose floorboard in an old house—unexpectedly, and then you can’t stop poking at it. His life cuts right through the turbulent heart of 19th-century America: the first stirrings of a homegrown literature, the growing pains of a young culture, the rupture of the Civil War, and the swaggering debut as an imperial power in the Spanish-American War. Born in 1825, as the Revolution slipped into textbooks, he died in late 1898, months after the Treaty of Paris handed us Cuba and the Philippines. The nation shed its skin again and again while he was still very much alive. Bristow: A Progress Update: It started with a single symphony I found online: No. 4 in E minor, The Arcadian. It’s soaked in pine needles and mythic American promise, the kind of music that makes you smell the air even when you’re stuck in a subway car. That was all I had at first—just that one piece—but it was enough to pull me in. Then I dug up Symphony No. 2, the one Louis Jullien paid real money for back when “American composer” still sounded like an oxymoron. Jullien—top hat, waxed mustache, the P. T. Barnum of baton-wavers—turns out to be the guy who commissioned the work and put Bristow on the map. Suddenly, the story had a sparkly French villain-hero, and I was hooked. Rip Van Winkle sealed the deal. Washington Irving’s sleepy Catskills shaped Bristow’s first opera the same way The Tales of the Alhambra shaped my childhood bedtime stories—different books, same author, two hundred years and six thousand miles apart. I finished the Rip sequence with a grin I couldn’t wipe off for days. A Harvest of Death, Timothy H. O'Sullivan And then the Civil War barged in, rude as a drunk uncle at Thanksgiving. You can’t tell Bristow’s story without it: 750,000 Americans dead in four years—how many of them might have someday sat in a concert hall to hear one of his symphonies, or become the next generation of musicians carrying his work forward? I hit pause on everything else and started patching together that chapter—still pinning photos to the wall like a detective. The clip I’m sharing has Griffith’s Abraham Lincoln staring down destiny, O’Sullivan’s grim harvest of bodies at Gettysburg, and the yellowed program from Bristow’s own Patriotic Concert, courtesy of the Philharmonic’s back room. There are more late nights ahead, more rabbit holes, more “wait, he knew who?” moments. I’m not complaining. This is the part I live for.

NOTES FOR A DOCUMENTARY IN PROGRESS This 1843 program note is a time capsule—shared with me by Barbara Haws , former archivist of the New York Philharmonic , while I was researching a film on George Bristow . Printed during the orchestra’s early years, it includes an unsigned message to the audience. That anonymity, paired with its bold claims, is what makes it linger. New York Philharmonic The Note Itself “It is well known…”—the phrase lands with quiet confidence. The writer assumes the room shares the lore: Beethoven, before composing, always walked in the countryside or read a poem, usually Goethe’s. Historical accuracy? Partial at best. Cultural shorthand? Undeniable. This wasn’t a citation; it was an invitation to a shared imaginative space. Then comes the interpretation: one of Beethoven’s symphonies as the myth of Orpheus and Eurydice . The introduction paints settled grief. The second movement traces the descent to Hades, hope flickering. The slow movement—the “gem”—captures the cautious approach to Cerberus, the beast’s sudden fury, Eurydice’s distant cries, the hush when Orpheus sings, and the fatal glance that ends it all. The finale embodies distraction—a mind unmoored. The author offers this reading modestly: “far from probable,” yet aligned with the music’s sentiment. It’s not dogma—it’s enhancement. A lens to heighten feeling as if asking Can You See What I Hear? Transcription of the 1843 Program Note “It is well known that it was the invariable custom of Beethoven, previous to composing a work, to go into the country, or to read a poem (usually one of Goethe.) Unhappily, but few of the subjects of his compositions are now known, but these few attest with sufficient force the genius which could embody such scenes as those described in the Pastoral and Eroica Symphonies, by using for materials musical sounds, as the poet and the painter use words and colors. Although it is far from probable that the following idea is the correct one, still it will be found sufficiently in accordance with the sentiment of the music as to enhance, in some degree, the pleasure of the auditors. The symphony appears to tell the story of Orpheus and Eurydice. The introduction may describe the settled despair consequent upon his bereavement, which melts into the second movement, in which he journeys to Hades, and where Hope may be supposed to predominate. The slow movement (the gem of the composition) may represent his cautious step as he approaches the sleeping Cerberus, who guards the gates of the realm of Pluto. The monster wakes, and, lashed into fury, seems to make cat-like leaps to and fro, while Orpheus continues his timid march, and ever and anon the wailings of Eurydice are heard; all, however, becomes hushed when he sings, and Eurydice and he again approach the barrier which divides Hades from the outer world with the same fearful march. Alas for male curiosity! he turns his head, and as he beholds the fleeting shade the movement ends. The Minuet and Trio may describe his homeward journey—hurried and broken, and the Finale his state of mind when he knows he is for ever parted from Eurydice, and will be found in many parts to be the very embodiment of mental distraction.” A Different Way of Listening Still from a film in progress In 1843, this wasn’t eccentric—it was expected. Audiences arrived ready to see as much as hear . Music wasn’t abstract architecture; it was narrative, emotional terrain mapped in sound. The note assumes familiarity with myth, poetry, and the expressive power of instrumental color. That fluency—bridging arts without apology—was the air Bristow’s generation breathed. The author, likely in their thirties, would have been in their twenties when Beethoven died. Not a contemporary, but close. Four generations now separate us from that moment. Proximity matters. It lends the text a gravity we can’t dismiss. What Shifted We still feel music deeply. A joyful theme lifts us; a minor chord unsettles. But we rarely seek a story within the structure. The twentieth century trained us to admire form, harmony, architecture. We gained precision; we may have lost projection. Neuroscience offers a clue: our brains adapt. We’re fluent in verbal and visual narrative, less so in reading symphonies as dramas. The 1843 listener saw Orpheus in the orchestra; we see thematic development. Same notes, different decoding. Can You See What I Hear? Did Bristow’s audience hear something essential we’ve forgotten? Or were they weaving meanings the composer never intended? This single page doesn’t settle the debate. But it opens a door—into a concert hall where a symphony could still speak like poetry, where Beethoven’s genius wasn’t just sounded, but seen and felt as myth in motion. For the film, this note is more than context. It’s a window into what early American listeners believed music could do: not just move us, but tell us who we are.

By Eduardo Montes-Bradley Charlottesville, Virginia — November 10, 2025 Preface The following open letter was delivered today to the Mayor and City Council of Charlottesville, as well as to local and regional media outlets. It concerns the absence of public records regarding the removal and disposition of Charles Keck’s Their First View of the Pacific , the Lewis and Clark Monument formerly located at Ridge–McIntire Road and West Main Street. A piece of civic heritage has been rendered orphaned , An Open Letter on the Fate of Charlottesville’s Lewis and Clark Monument In response to a formal request under the Virginia Freedom of Information Act (Va. Code § 2.2-3700 et seq.), the City of Charlottesville has confirmed that it possesses no records relating to the ownership, transfer, or disposition of the Meriwether Lewis and William Clark Monument , known as Their First View of the Pacific, sculpted by noted artist Charles Keck (1875–1951) , formerly located at Ridge–McIntire Road and West Main Street. In an email dated November 10, the City’s FOIA Officer wrote: “The City of Charlottesville has reviewed its files, and records responsive to your request could not be found or do not exist.” This official statement means that no resolutions, contracts, transfer documents, or chain-of-custody records exist to explain who authorized the monument’s removal, where it was taken, or who now owns it. By its own admission, the City has no documentary evidence governing the fate of a public artwork that stood in Charlottesville for more than a century. This absence of record-keeping raises serious concerns about transparency, stewardship, and compliance with Virginia’s public-property and records laws. If the City transferred or deaccessioned the monument, documentation of that process is legally required. If no such transfer occurred, then the City has effectively acknowledged that a public monument was removed and disposed of without authority or oversight. Public reporting has noted that the Jefferson School African American Heritage Center participated in the monument’s removal in coordination with members of City Council. That partnership was presented to the public as part of a lawful process. Yet the City’s present claim—that no records exist—leaves both the monument and the municipality in an untenable position: an important piece of civic heritage has been rendered orphaned , and the public has been denied the documentation necessary to understand how or why that occurred. This is not merely a clerical lapse; it is a matter of public trust. Citizens of Charlottesville deserve a full accounting of what happened to the Lewis and Clark Monument, who authorized its removal, and under what legal authority. I call on the City to produce any and all existing records , to explain the absence of documentation , and to initiate an independent review of its handling of this historic work. Furthermore, in light of the City’s acknowledgment that no records exist establishing lawful ownership, custody, or transfer of the Lewis and Clark Monument, I respectfully request that the City of Charlottesville, its contractors, and any associated organizations refrain from undertaking any further actions that could alter, relocate, damage, or otherwise affect the monument until ownership and accountability have been properly documented and verified. Any modification or movement of the monument at this stage—absent a clear legal record—would risk compounding the City’s exposure and further eroding public trust. Preservation of the status quo is the only responsible course until transparency is restored. Finally, while errors may have been made in haste or misunderstanding, the path to integrity remains open. The Lewis and Clark Monument—Their First View of the Pacific by Charles Keck is not merely a statue but a significant work of American public art. The City now has an opportunity to correct its course honorably: by acknowledging the absence of due process, restoring the artwork to its lawful and rightful place , and recommitting to the preservation of our shared artistic and historical heritage. Such an action would not erase the past—it would redeem it, reaffirming Charlottesville’s respect for truth, culture, and the rule of law.

A New Documentary in Development Drummond storefront on Fulton St, New York Once Upon a Time in America For nearly two centuries, the history of photography in America has been told the same way. It frequently begins with Mathew Brady and the Civil War, passes through Jacob Riis and the social reformers, and culminates in the artistic breakthroughs of Alfred Stieglitz, Edward Steichen, and the modernists who followed. But what if that story is incomplete? What if the true origins of American photography were never lost — only overlooked? Over the past year, I’ve been working closely with Eric Taubman , founder of the Penumbra Foundation , whose archival research has uncovered documentary evidence that upends the accepted narrative. His findings reveal that the earliest photographic manufacturing, distribution, and process innovation in the United States did not emerge from later 19th-century studios — but from two New York families working as early as 1839 , the very year photography was introduced to the world in Paris. Their family names were Lewis and Drummond , and their story has never been told on film. A History That Needs Restoring Eric’s research traces the story to a workshop in Chatham Square, where William and W.H. Lewis began producing photographic equipment and chemistry for a growing number of daguerreotype operators. Their business expanded north to New Windsor, New York , a town so transformed by photography that locals called it “Daguerreville.” The narrative continues with A.J. Drummond , who married into the Lewis family and carried their innovations into the next generation, linking early daguerreotype production with the later development of carbon printing and industrial photographic processes. This forgotten history reveals a network of artisans, chemists, inventors, and entrepreneurs working years before Brady — and long before photography became an art form or a journalistic tool. It was, from the beginning, an American industry. This is not a revision. It is a restoration. About "Light & The City" Light & The City will be the first documentary to bring this story to the screen — a film about photography not as an artistic afterthought to European invention, but as a homegrown act of innovation rooted in New York’s workshops, rooftops, and factories. Part detective story, part industrial archaeology, and part cultural re-awakening, the film seeks to expandoand complete the historical record and attribution, restore visibility to early innovators and their descendants, reveal newly surfaced documents, objects, and visual evidence, expand our understanding of how photography took root in America, and return New York to its rightful place as the birthplace of American photographic culture. Eric Taubman will serve as the archival and historical voice guiding the film, while on-location cinematography, rare images, and reconstructed timelines bring the forgotten story back to life. A first visit to Penumbra in October 2024 Current Phase The project is now in scripted development through the Documentary Film Fund (501c3) , with Penumbra Foundation  serving as institutional partner. I will direct the film through Heritage Film Project , with Soledad Liendo as Line Producer and Eric Taubman as Executive Producer. How It Began I first met Eric in Brooklyn almost a year ago through a mutual friend. One conversation led to another, and soon we found ourselves piecing together fragments of a story that had slipped through the cracks of history. What began as curiosity has now crystallized into a shared mission — to bring to light the true origins of American photography before they vanish again. Light & The City is the result of that collaboration. More updates — including first research footage, early interviews, and a production timeline — will follow as we move forward.

A Review of Katherine K. Preston's George Bristow Charlottesville, Virginia -- George Frederick Bristow (1825–1898) is recognized by scholars for his advocacy of American composers, most notably through his participation in a public debate in early 1854 with critics Richard Storrs Willis and John Sullivan Dwight. The exchange centered on the New York Philharmonic Society's limited support for works by native musicians. In George Frederick Bristow  (University of Illinois Press, 2020), Katherine K. Preston examines this episode while providing a broader view of Bristow's life and career, drawing on previously underexplored family materials. Katherine PReston's Book Preston, professor emerita at the College of William & Mary, makes use of the Bristow Collection at the New York Public Library, including letters, photographs, and other documents acquired from the composer's descendants. These sources help to present Bristow as a working musician in 19th-century New York: a violinist in orchestras, a church organist and choir director, a private and public school teacher, and a composer across multiple genres. The book follows a chronological structure. It begins with Bristow's early years and his emergence as a composer in the 1840s and early 1850s, including his involvement with figures like Louis Jullien. The narrative then covers the 1850s, a period that saw the premiere of his opera Rip Van Winkle  in 1855 and the completion of Symphony No. 2, known as the "Jullien" symphony. The 1860s are addressed next, with attention to the Oratorio of Daniel  from 1866 and the effects of the Civil War on Bristow's personal and professional life. The account continues into the 1870s, when Bristow was described in contemporary sources as a composer of "native independence and originality," and extends to the 1880s and 1890s, when he remained active as an educator and composer until his death in 1898. Separate interludes focus on specific aspects of his work. One examines his private teaching, another his direction of church music and composition of sacred pieces, a third his instruction in public schools, and a fourth his activities as a businessman and musical authority. Preston describes Bristow's output, which included five symphonies, overtures, chamber music, songs, piano pieces, secular choral works, and sacred compositions. She notes contemporary praise for features such as melodic clarity and effective orchestration for winds. The book also mentions lighter elements in his music, such as the polka-influenced scherzo in Symphony No. 2, which reflects the popular dance styles of the era. Contemporary accounts from letters and periodicals reveal Bristow as patient with students, devoted to family, and equipped with a dry sense of humor. Preston places his activities within the broader musical culture of New York, illustrating the range of opportunities available to professional musicians at the time. The biography, an approach to rediscovering George Bristow, has been well received. Douglas Shadle describes it as a detailed resource on 19th-century American music. E. Douglas Bomberger notes its perspective on the era through Bristow's experiences. A review in Music & Letters  calls it clear and authoritative, while Nineteenth-Century Music Review  recommends it as useful reading for understanding transatlantic musical connections. Preston's account offers a balanced look at Bristow's contributions and the environment in which he worked. It serves as a reference for those studying American music before 1900.

When History Is Rewritten Without Evidence A few years ago, the name Meriwether Lewis was removed from the elementary school in Ivy, and shortly thereafter, the sculpture honoring Lewis and Clark was taken down as well. These actions were carried out in the name of “historical correction,” but the justification used at the time was not based on verifiable fact. It was based on assumption — and assumption has now stood in for history long enough. In the public argument supporting the erasure of Lewis, it was claimed that he once owned more than 17,000 acres of land, that he “held more land than any plantation owner of his time,” and that therefore “it is fair to assume” his landholdings would have required enslaved labor, making him complicit in a profitable slave economy. “In the 18th century Lewis was granted over 17,000 acres of property along the eastern ridge. While there is no smoking gun there is a correlation between the need to increase labor as these lands become cultivated. What is also true is that he held more land than any other plantation owner of his time. Under those circumstances it is fair to assume that his holdings would lead to the cultivation of a lucrative economy of chattel slavery that would result in Albemarle County being the 4th richest area in all of Virginia.” The phrase “fair to assume” appeared in the very argument used to condemn him. That alone should have stopped the process. Instead, it became the basis for removing a name, removing a monument, and reshaping public memory. Meriwether Lewis by Charles B.J.F. Saint-Mémin, 1807. From the collection of the New-York Historical. But there is still no documented evidence that Meriwether Lewis ever owned enslaved people, operated a plantation, or profited from slavery. No deed books, no estate records, no probate inventories — nothing. Even the committee acknowledged there was “no smoking gun.” Yet the conclusion was treated as settled fact. This is not how history works. It is how political narrative works. And when narrative replaces evidence, the public is not educated — it is manipulated. The Case of Meriwether Lewis The claim that Lewis was the largest landholder of his time is false . The great slaveholding estates of Virginia belonged to families such as the Carters, Randolphs, and Byrds, not the Lewises. Much of the land associated with Meriwether Lewis was untamed frontier acreage, not plantation farmland, and most of it was never personally worked, settled, or harvested in his lifetime. Charlottesville has already paid a high price for decisions made in haste and justified by rhetoric. It is not too late to insist that the next decisions be guided by evidence instead of ideology. Equally important: the economic boom in enslaved labor that enriched Albemarle County occurred after Lewis’s death in 1809. One cannot condemn a man for an economic system that expanded decades after he was buried. Yet the school lost its name, the sculpture was removed, and a generation of students was taught to regard Lewis not as an explorer, statesman, or symbol of American curiosity, but as a villain — not because of evidence, but because of an assumption treated as fact. Names change. Monuments disappear. But when they are removed on the basis of conjecture rather than documentation, what is being erased is not just a figure from the past — it is the integrity of the historical record itself. This article is not an argument for restoring the former name or returning the monument. Reasonable people may still disagree about symbols in public space. But we should all agree that history must be based on what we can prove — not on what we “find fair to assume.”

He Brought Fireworks—and Left a Spark In the middle of the nineteenth century, an extravagant Frenchman arrived in New York with a gold-tipped baton and a sense of theater that the concert stage had never seen. His name was Louis-Antoine Jullien, and long before Liberace—or anyone who understood that art and spectacle could share the same stage—there was Jullien. Louis-Antoine Jullien He conducted as if possessed, turning orchestral performance into performance art. He wore white gloves, waved to his audience like an emperor, and surrounded himself with military bands, choral forces, and cannon fire. A critic once wrote that Jullien could “charm the public with a pirouette and a fortissimo.” What might have been dismissed as vanity was, in truth, a calculated revolution: Jullien believed music should belong to everyone, not just the drawing rooms of the elite. A Mission in the New World When he set foot in America in 1853, Jullien came not only to entertain but to inspire. He saw in the young republic an untapped creative potential, a nation ready to find its own voice. His concert tours were thunderous events, filling New York’s halls with brass, drums, and audiences eager for a taste of European brilliance spiced with showmanship. Yet behind the spectacle lay a serious purpose. Jullien urged American musicians to move beyond imitation—to compose works that could stand proudly beside those of Europe. Louis-Antoine Jullien died forgotten, his fortune gone and his reputation eclipsed by the very idea he had championed: that music should evolve, and new voices should rise. Yet each time an orchestra premieres a work by an American composer, there’s an echo of that flamboyant Frenchman who once waved a golden baton and dared a young nation to find its song. Bristow and the “Jullien Symphony” One of those who listened was George Frederick Bristow, a young violinist and composer from Brooklyn. At that time, American orchestras mostly performed imported music, and native composers were seldom taken seriously. When Jullien announced his plan to commission an original work from an American, Bristow seized the opportunity. The result was the Symphony in E-flat Major, soon known as the Jullien Symphony. Jullien premiered it in New York with his touring orchestra—a landmark moment in American music. For the first time, a European maestro of international reputation had placed his faith in an American composer and given his work a full professional presentation. Critics were divided, as critics tend to be, but the symbolism was powerful. Jullien’s endorsement told audiences that American music deserved to be heard on its own terms. Legacy of a Showman Jullien’s American adventure ended in bankruptcy and scandal, but his influence endured. He showed that artistry and flamboyance need not cancel each other out—that one could wear a jeweled baton and still advance the cause of serious music. He cracked open a door through which later visionaries—Bernstein, Stokowski, even Liberace in his own dazzling way—would walk. As for Bristow, the commission gave him confidence and standing, shaping a career devoted to proving that symphonic art could flourish on American soil. His Jullien Symphony remains a bold early step toward a national sound.

The following unsigned article appeared in The Choir Leader in December 1898—the very month of George Frederick Bristow’s death. The author could not have known that the composer would pass away only weeks later, and thus the piece stands midway between tribute and obituary. Written in the past tense yet with the expectation of further work to come, it praises Bristow’s integrity, idealism, and devotion to American musical life while lamenting the nation’s failure to recognize its own artists. The result is a striking document in which biographical sketch and elegy meet almost by accident. As originally published in   The Choir Leader , Vol. 5, No. 10 (December 1898), pp. 1–2. The Choir Leader , Vol. 5, No. 10 Some men achieve a large popular success on a very small capital of ability, because they make general reputation their goal and study how to attain it; others seek only personal culture, real results, and the realization of high ideals, but, in spite of native ability, sustained effort, and noble work, miss the more extensive popular acceptance and appreciation they deserve—either because they are too indifferent to use the necessary methods to secure it, or too ideally sensitive to accept it except as a spontaneous tribute. Sousa , with his catchy marches and opera bouffe , is an example of the former class, while the subject of our present sketch is a notable representative of the latter. Not that Mr. Bristow has not been appreciated, for the positions he has occupied and the work he has accomplished show that, locally at least, he has received considerable honor; but, after all, in a national way he has not received the recognition his magnificent talents and scholarship deserved. He was not exactly fortunate in the time of his birth. Had he been born fifteen or twenty years later, it would have been better for his reputation. In his prime he was too far ahead of his day and generation to be in touch with popular currents of feeling; and by the time musical culture had risen to the necessary standard, his classical, noble style was not acceptable to the hysterical chromatic school of critics who at present make the standards to which the American musical public bows so slavishly. “’Tis true, ’tis pity; ’tis pity, ’tis true,” that this devotion to modernity —a homeopathic dilution of Wagnerism of the millionth potency—should have robbed the grand work of this American composer of the opportunity of enriching and ennobling the American artistic consciousness. After all, it is not Mr. Bristow’s loss we deplore, but that of the American musical public, which has taken a flying leap from the negro minstrel ditty to the decadent rococo style of Liszt, Saint-Saëns, and Grieg, and accepted the attitude of a far-away province that looks over the sea for its ideals of culture and art, instead of normally developing its own type of art in an intelligent way. George Frederick Bristow was born in Brooklyn, New York, on December 19, 1825. His musical education was almost ideal, for he began his studies at the age of five. His father was his teacher in piano and harmony. For the violin he studied first with an Irish teacher bearing the German name of Meyer, and later under Macfarren, President of the Royal Academy of Music in London. He was intimately associated with Ole Bull, to whom he acknowledged many valuable hints. At eleven he entered an orchestra as a professional violinist; at thirteen he became its second leader. At sixteen he was a charter member of the Philharmonic Society, in which he still retains membership. One of the Society’s first concerts included Bristow’s First Overture . Before he was twenty, the same Society performed his Concert Overture , Op. 3, and his Symphony in E-flat . Sir Julius Benedict We have not space to follow step by step these fifty years of composition and public service, and can only note the more striking points in Mr. Bristow’s career. He was concertmaster under Sir Julius Benedict during Jenny Lind’s American tour. Jullien gave him the same position and frequently played his Symphony in D minor , for which he paid Bristow the remarkable sum of $200—an extraordinary fee in those days for an American composition. Bristow later became the efficient conductor of the Philharmonic Society, remaining there eleven years. The Mendelssohn Union was also under his direction for three years. He served as successful head of the music department of the New York public schools for many years, laying the foundation for much of the city’s present musical culture. Jenny Lind (1820–1887) In the musical history of what is now Greater New York, Bristow has written his name large and imperishably. His thoughts turned toward large enterprises, as his early compositions show. In addition to those already mentioned, he composed the Symphony in F-sharp minor and the Arcadian Symphony , also overtures titled Winter’s Tale , Columbus , and The Great Republic . His first oratorio, Praise to God , was thrice performed with increasing interest during the early 1860s. His oratorio Daniel was rendered by the Mendelssohn Union in 1867 with Parepa Rosa as prima donna and was received with great favor. We publish in The Choir Leader this month one of its choruses, hitherto unpublished. Our larger choirs will find it very strong music, as befits Mr. Bristow—a worthy American successor to the great oratorio writers. He also did notable work in opera: Rip Van Winkle , first produced in 1855, proved a great success and was to have been revived in 1865 by Max Maretzek with Clara Louise Kellogg in the leading role. All preparations were completed when the Academy of Music burned, destroying scenery, costumes, and scores. Some energetic opera director should honor American genius enough to revive it, for we believe it would now be more successful than ever. Mr. Bristow had other operas in progress, but they were never completed—probably for lack of the inspiration a waiting manager might have supplied. His Niagara was given by the Manuscript Society of New York last spring and evoked great enthusiasm for its wealth of ideas and contrapuntal resources, no less than for its beauty and sublimity. His treatment of Old Hundredth as a theme for variations displayed his scholarship at its best. The purity of form, melody, and classical thought pleased all save the little clique of “Wagner-haunted” foreign critics, who did not do it justice in the public press. They are not to be blamed, but pitied, that they cannot recognize good music unless it bears the “hallmark” of the foreign. Mr. George Frederick Bristow has written innumerable other compositions—sonatas, fantasias, nocturnes, church services, masses, cantatas, anthems—too many to enumerate. Most of his best work remains in manuscript, there being no commercial promise in the class of composition to which he gave his best strength. Like Schubert, his work will be valued more highly after his death than during his lifetime, and his manuscripts will attain the recognition their intrinsic merits deserve. George Frederick Bristow Mr. Bristow possessed varied musical gifts of a high order. His organ playing was strong and severe in style; as a conductor he was forceful and suggestive in his readings; he succeeded admirably in large choruses, securing fine results from modest materials. As a teacher he was lucid, patient, and exact; as a solo performer he excelled on piano, violin, and organ alike. To all he undertook he brought intelligence, conscientiousness, and an unselfconscious impulse toward genuine, lasting rather than showy results. He is modest and unassuming to a fault, simple in social and personal taste, and full of a sweet, genial humor that endears him to all who appreciate genuineness. It gives us great pleasure to offer this little tribute to his genius and to the good work he has done. If we can add to the wider reputation he so richly deserves, and to the patriotic impulse leading our singers to honor American composers and to throw off the partiality for foreign music—largely fostered by publishers who can cheaply reprint it—we shall be well satisfied. Editorial Note George Frederick Bristow died on December 13, 1898 , only days after this article appeared in The Choir Leader . The piece thus stands as one of the final contemporary tributes written during his lifetime, bridging admiration and elegy. This document has been transcribed and restored on the occasion of Bristow’s Bicentennial as part of the ongoing research for the film project George Frederick Bristow: American Composer , currently in production with the support of the Joseph and Robert Cornell Memorial Foundation .

Charlottesville, a city that once aspired to be a center of learning and culture, now bears the shame of this desecration. Yesterday, while biking along the banks of the Rivanna River within the city limits of Charlottesville , I came upon a sight that left me speechless — and enraged. There, discarded beside a dumpster, lay the bronze figures of Lewis and Clark , the once-proud monument that for decades stood in a place of privilege and visibility at one of the city’s main intersections. This sculpture was not just a landmark; it was a testament to artistry, craftsmanship, and historical reflection — a point of reference for residents and visitors alike. To see it tossed aside, abandoned like refuse, is nothing short of cultural vandalism. Desecration of Art Charlottesville The ignorant zeal of what I can only describe as our own local Taliban has replaced dialogue with destruction. In their rush to erase, they have failed to see what they were destroying: a work of art of extraordinary aesthetic and historic value. One can debate history — and indeed we should — but to mutilate or discard public art created in good faith and great skill is an act of collective barbarism. Charlottesville, a city that once aspired to be a center of learning and culture, now bears the shame of this desecration. I hope — perhaps against hope — that the city will come to its senses, recognize the magnitude of this error, and act before it is too late — before someone steals what remains of the monument, or before the federal government steps in to restore what local ignorance has defaced. Hopefully, the latter is what will happen.

Updated on October 20th with details on the scholarship behind the stainglass work described in the following article. The Jefferson Hotel Following the repatriation ceremony of Elizabeth Kortright Monroe Hay’s remains from Père Lachaise in Paris to Hollywood Cemetery in Richmond, I found myself drawn into a very different kind of adventure when Carolyn Holmes , suggested a stop at The Jefferson Hotel —just two blocks from the necropolis—for a refreshment. As soon as I stepped into the lobby of The Jefferson, I was struck by the magnificent stained-glass dome , a luminous skylight that bathes the grand staircase and Palm Court in soft, diffused light. The architecture around me began to unfold: marble columns, palm-frond motifs, gold-leaf ornamentation, and a subtle interplay between transparency and reflection—an atmosphere poised between opulence and serenity. Carolyn Holmes, former Executive Director of Ash Lawn -Highland The Jefferson Hotel opened in 1895 , a creation of Lewis Ginter and the New York firm Carrère & Hastings . In 1901, a devastating fire consumed much of the building, and the iconic marble statue of Thomas Jefferson , sculpted by Edward Valentine , was heroically rescued—wrapped in mattresses and carried to safety by hotel staff. That image of Jefferson swaddled and saved from the flames echoed another moment in history: the fire that struck the Rotunda at the University of Virginia in 1895 , when students likewise rescued a marble statue of Jefferson by carrying it down the steps on mattresses. These parallel gestures, separated by time and place, feel almost allegorical—reminders that we are destined to save Jefferson from the flames again and again. Perhaps that is as it should be: each generation must decide how to preserve what is worth keeping and reinterpret what the fire cannot erase. The Jefferson Hotel As I stood beneath the dome, I realized I was gazing at the same light that once fell upon Presidents Harrison, Taft, McKinley, Wilson, Coolidge, both Roosevelts, Truman, Reagan, both Bushes, Clinton, and Obama —all guests of The Jefferson. The continuity of that vision, through more than a century of American leadership, lends the place an aura of civic memory. The stained-glass skylight and windows at The Jefferson have long been attributed to Louis Comfort Tiffany, but recent research—including conversations with Tiffany scholar Kelly Conway and verification with The Valentine Museum in Richmond—suggests that these luminous works might not be by Tiffany after all. The uncertainty only deepens their intrigue, reminding us how easily artistic authorship can blur across time. As I lingered in the Palm Court, I realized how this experience paralleled my own work as a filmmaker—how architecture, light, and history merge into narrative form. The Jefferson, with its marble, glass, and echoes of the past, became for me a metaphor for the documentary itself: a space where art and memory coexist, refracting one another through time.