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The Last Brew: Astor Piazzolla and the Long Road to a Porteño Sound

  • 1 day ago
  • 10 min read


You probably know Piazzolla from Adiós Nonino, or from the Kronos Quartet recording that seemed to arrive from nowhere in the late 1980s and made a generation of American listeners suddenly aware that something extraordinary had been happening in Buenos Aires for thirty years without their knowing. Perhaps you know him from the Yo-Yo Ma album, or from the way his music began appearing in films — that particular tension, that particular melancholy, that sound that is unmistakably urban and unmistakably of the night. Whatever the point of entry, the music stayed. It has a way of doing that.


What is harder to explain — and what I want to try to explain here — is why it took so long. Not why it took so long for American audiences to discover Piazzolla. That is easily enough answered: geography, language, the parochialism of the music industry. What took so long was Buenos Aires itself. The city that produced him spent the better part of three decades refusing to accept what he had made.


To understand why, you have to understand something about the Americas and the question of cultural identity — a question that was not resolved in the nineteenth century anywhere on this side of the Atlantic, whatever the opera houses and conservatories of the period might suggest.


The Long Wait


The Americas spent the nineteenth century building the infrastructure of European culture: concert halls, academies, conservatories, opera companies. In New York, in Buenos Aires, in Mexico City, in Rio de Janeiro, the aspiration was the same — to demonstrate that civilization had taken root in the New World by reproducing its most prestigious European forms. What these institutions could not produce, because no institution can produce it, was a genuinely local voice.


That voice arrived, in the United States, in the first decades of the twentieth century, and it arrived not from the concert halls but from the streets, the churches, and the brothels of New Orleans. Jazz was the sound of collision — African rhythm, European harmony, the specific grief and joy of people who had no European homeland to look back to and were therefore free, or forced, to make something entirely new. By the 1940s, jazz had become the undisputed sound of American urban life, and figures like Charlie Parker and Dizzy Gillespie had pushed it into a harmonic and rhythmic territory that demanded to be taken seriously as art. George Gershwin had already done the diplomatic work of bringing that sound into the concert hall without stripping it of its origins.

Buenos Aires ran a parallel track, but the brew took longer.


The tango emerged in the late nineteenth century in the conventillos — the tenement housing where European immigrants, Afro-decendants, and the rural poor who had drifted into the city all lived in enforced proximity. It was music of displacement, friction, and longing. The bandoneón — a German concertina originally manufactured for small Protestant churches that could not afford organs — became its defining instrument by a kind of accident of commerce and geography, and in doing so gave the music its particular color: melancholic, nasal, capable of a lyricism that seemed to come from somewhere unnameable.


For decades, respectable Buenos Aires looked away. The tango was music of the poor, of the brothel, of the arrabal — the outskirts. It was only when Paris embraced it, around 1910, that Argentine high society allowed itself to join -- discretely. Buenos Aires, as so often happens in the Americas, needed European validation to accept what it had produced.


The golden age arrived in the 1940s. Aníbal Troilo, Francisco Canaro, Osvaldo Pugliese, Carlos Di Sarli, Horacio Salgán — these orchestras filled the great ballrooms and radio studios of Buenos Aires and gave the city its sound. The tango was now unambiguously porteño — of the port, of the city — rather than Argentine in any broader sense. Buenos Aires had the tango, and the tango had Buenos Aires. It was, at last, a cultural identity.


A Marplatense in New York


Astor Piazzolla was born on March 11, 1921, in Mar del Plata, the Atlantic beach resort town about four hours south of Buenos Aires. He was not born into the tango. His father, Vicente "Nonino" Piazzolla, was an Italian immigrant barber who loved music and would eventually give his son a bandoneón — a present that would determine everything. In 1930, when Astor was nine, the family moved to New York City, to the Greenwich Village neighborhood, where they lived for the next decade.


Those New York years formed him in ways that Buenos Aires alone never could have. The city in the 1930s was alive with music — jazz above all, but also the classical tradition that the great European émigré musicians were importing at a level of intensity New York had never known before. The young Piazzolla absorbed all of it. He learned Bach. He heard Gershwin. He studied with the Hungarian pianist Bela Wilda, a disciple of Rachmaninoff. He played in the streets. He played in the cabarets. He was already, at fourteen, a musician of uncommon instinct.


In 1934, while the family was still living in New York, Astor met Carlos Gardel — the Al Johnson of the River Plate, the mythological figure whose voice had made the genre internationally famous and whose death in a plane crash in Medellín the following year would freeze him permanently in Argentine memory. Gardel was in New York at the time, working on a series of films for Paramount Pictures. He heard the young Piazzolla play bandoneón, was struck by the boy's ability, encouraged him, and gave him a small role as a paperboy in one of those films. The encounter planted a seed — not toward the vocal tango that Gardel embodied, but toward the seriousness with which a musician could inhabit the form.


When the family returned to Buenos Aires in 1937, Astor began attending performances obsessively, studying the orchestras, listening above all to Aníbal Troilo, a master bandoneónist whose orchestra was then at the height of its powers. Troilo was known as "Pichuco," and he was, in the judgment of everyone who heard him, the supreme master of the instrument — melodically inventive, emotionally direct, with an authority over the ensemble that seemed effortless. Seeing Pichuco performing up close on stage, was an unforgettable experience.


Piazzolla wanted to play for him. He found a way in, presenting himself at the pension where Troilo's musicians gathered, sitting at the same table for hours until he was noticed. He was accepted. He played second bandoneón in Troilo's orchestra for several years, and in that apprenticeship he learned everything — not just the technique of the instrument but the interior logic of the form: what the tango required, how it breathed, where its emotion lived.


The Heretic


From inside Troilo's orchestra, Piazzolla was already doing something that made his colleagues uncomfortable. He was treating the tango as compositional material — writing arrangements of density and harmonic complexity that owed as much to Bach and to jazz as to the tango tradition.

Troilo valued him, but the orchestra's direction was toward beauty and accessibility, not experiment. Piazzolla's arrangements were sometimes too a-vanguard, too difficult, too far from what the public — and Troilo himself — wanted to hear. The tension was productive while it lasted. But Piazzolla understood that what he needed to do could not be done from inside someone else's orchestra. He needed his own.


In the late 1940s and early 1950s, he led several orchestras of his own — large formations in the style of the time, recording for the major labels. These recordings show a musician of exceptional craft, already bending the conventions of the genre, but not yet having made the decisive leap.


In 1954, Piazzolla won a scholarship from the French government and traveled to Paris to study with Nadia Boulanger — the legendary pedagogue who had taught Aaron Copland, Virgil Thomson, and Quincy Jones, among hundreds of others, and whose method was less about technique than about forcing a composer to confront what was most essentially their own. The story Piazzolla told afterward is famous. He played her his classical compositions — the pieces he had written in the European tradition, the pieces he thought would demonstrate his seriousness. She listened politely and asked him to play her something else. Eventually he played her a tango. Her response was immediate and decisive: this was the real Piazzolla. Everything else was imitation.


The Revolution Nobody Wanted


The Octeto Buenos Aires, which Piazzolla formed in 1955, was the instrument of the rupture. Eight musicians — two violins, viola, cello, double bass, piano, electric guitar, and bandoneón — playing music that could not be danced to, that incorporated jazz harmony and counterpoint and dissonance, that demanded to be listened to rather than moved to. The tango traditionalists were appalled. The music press was largely hostile. The public that had loved Troilo and Di Sarli found this new music cold, cerebral, unrecognizable.


Troilo himself — the man Piazzolla had worshipped, his musical father — told him his music wasn't tango. His judgment carried enormous weight. It also, in the end, proved irrelevant.


What Piazzolla was doing was exactly what Gershwin had done a generation earlier in New York: bringing a popular urban music into contact with the full resources of the compositional tradition without destroying what made it specific and alive. The difference was that Gershwin had a relatively receptive audience and institutional support. Piazzolla had neither. The tango establishment — the critics, the dancers, the radio programmers, the record labels — formed a wall of resistance that would not fully dissolve for twenty years.


The succession of formations through the late 1950s, the 1960s, and into the 1970s — the various quintets, the Nuevo Quinteto, the collaborations with the poet Horacio Ferrer, the recordings with Gerry Mulligan and Gary Burton and Stan Getz — constitute one of the most sustained creative campaigns in the history of twentieth-century music. Each formation was a new attempt to find the precise ensemble that could carry what he was hearing. The classic quintet — bandoneón, violin, piano, electric guitar, double bass — turned out to be the answer: five voices in a conversation that could be intimate or violent, lyrical or percussive, that gave each instrument enough space to be itself while binding them into something that sounded like nothing else in the world.


Porteño, Not Argentine


It is important to be precise about what Piazzolla represented and did not represent. He was not an Argentine composer in the sense that Bartók was a Hungarian composer — rooting himself in a national folk tradition and universalizing it. The tango is not folk music. It has no connection to the indigenous cultures of the territory, no roots in the pre-colonial past. It was made, in historical time, by immigrants and their descendants in a port city that was culturally closer to Genoa and Naples than to the Argentine interior.


Piazzolla was a porteño — a creature of Buenos Aires specifically, of its waterfront and its cafés and its particular mixture of European aspiration and New World rawness. His music could only have come from that city, from that specific formation of influences: the bandoneón from Germany by way of the River Plate, the counterpoint from Bach, the harmonic daring from jazz, the emotional directness from the tango tradition he both worshipped and transformed.


This is what makes the comparison with the Bristow question — why did it take so long for New York to produce its own serious musical voice — both illuminating and inexact. Bristow, in mid-nineteenth century New York, was fighting for the legitimacy of an American composer in a world that assumed serious music came from Europe. He largely lost that fight in his lifetime. Piazzolla was fighting for the legitimacy of a form that already existed and already had a voice — the tango — against the people who owned that form and wanted it frozen. He eventually won, but it took until the 1980s for the full vindication to arrive.


The Kronos Quartet recording. The Yo-Yo Ma album. The concert halls of Europe and North America that began treating Piazzolla's music with the same seriousness they gave to Bartók or Stravinsky. By then Piazzolla was in his sixties, his body beginning to fail him. He had a massive stroke in Paris on August 4, 1990, and after twenty-three months of agony, died in Buenos Aires on July 4, 1992.


Buenos Aires, which had spent thirty years arguing about whether his music was really tango, mourned him as its greatest composer.


His Legacy


The catalog is extraordinary in its range and in its consistency of vision. The early works for orchestra, written before the Paris, show a musician of exceptional skill working within the tradition. The Octeto Buenos Aires recordings of the late 1950s are the sound of a rupture in progress — violent, exciting, not always fully resolved. The great quintet recordings of the 1960s and 1970s — Tristezas de un Doble A, Concierto para quinteto, the live recordings from the Regina theater in Buenos Aires — are where the mature Piazzolla fully arrives: music of absolute formal control and absolute emotional directness, achieving something that very little music of any kind achieves, which is the sense that nothing could be added or removed without loss.


The late collaborations — with Gerry Mulligan, with Gary Burton, with the cellist and double bassist who accompanied him in his final years — show a musician still restless, still unsatisfied, still looking for the next formation that would let him say something new. And then there are the concert works: the suites for chamber orchestra, the pieces for bandoneón and string quartet, the compositions that demonstrate beyond any argument that what Piazzolla did was not a detour from serious music but a contribution to it. Adiós Nonino — written in 1959 after the death of his father, in a single session of grief and music — remains perhaps the most direct expression of what the bandoneón can do in the hands of someone who has made it an extension of his emotional system.


A Note on Terminology


When Piazzolla called his music tango nuevo — new tango — he was not simply branding a product. He was making a claim: that what he was doing was in direct continuity with the tradition he had inherited from Troilo and De Caro and the great orchestras of the golden age, and that continuity required change, not preservation. The tango had always absorbed what it needed — African rhythms, European harmony, the emotional landscape of immigration and urban displacement. Piazzolla was simply the moment when it absorbed Bach and Bartók and Charlie Parker.


That the absorption took place in Buenos Aires, in a port city that had been arguing with itself about its own identity since its founding in 1580, is not incidental. Port cities are where cultures collide and recombine. New Orleans produced jazz for the same reason Buenos Aires produced tango: the specific mixture of people, the specific history of displacement and desire, the specific sound of a city that knows it is neither one thing nor another and has stopped pretending otherwise.


What Piazzolla did was give that sound a composer — someone who could take what the street had made and carry it somewhere the street alone could not go. That is what Gershwin did. That is what Ellington did. That is, in a different register, what Bartók did.


It took Buenos Aires nearly four centuries from its founding to produce that figure. The brew was long. But what came out of it has not stopped sounding.


Eduardo Montes-Bradley is a documentary filmmaker and essayist. His trilogy on the artistic legacy of nineteenth-century New York — films on Daniel Chester French, the Piccirilli Brothers, and the composer George Frederick Bristow — is distributed through Alexander Street Press and Kanopy.

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